Saturday, January 26, 2013

Kiritsubo, 1.4a

This is another sentence that will have to be split up into multiple posts; there are only a few of these but unfortunately a lot of them are right at the beginning.

Also those such as the senior nobles and privy gentlemen turned their eyes away helplessly, saying “His love towards this person is embarrassing. In China, too, it was just for this reason that the world was thrown into chaos and became bad.” Gradually in the world at large, as well, this became a bitter seed of worry for people. It was becoming such that the example of Yang Guifei would have to be mentioned, and there were many disgraceful occurrences, but she served, relying on the peerlessness of [the Emperor's] gracious care.


Shinshaku (1758): This describes looking at something bad that you don't like. This also seems to be a reference to the Chōgonka-den: The officials of the palace averted their eyes because of this.


Hyou: The love between the Emperor and the Kiritsubo Intimate is mostly drawn from the Song of Neverending Sorrow, so for that reason, here the first small taste of that den appears. However, the story in the Tale contains new, very good, things that are not found at all in the original poem. I will say more about this later.


Hagiwara has more to say about the Song and the den (a prose version of the legend) in the supplemental notes so I'll put that off until part C.


Hyou: Here already we see the first hints of the Yang Guifei story, and much later it says "they brought up the example of other Emperors, and lamented quietly." This should be kept in mind.


Tama no ogushi (1796): This means that the people of the world are also taking this to be an unfortunate thing. A certain commentary says, First the jealousy of the women is mentioned, then the noblemen, and now the wider world.


Hyou:  It is definitely true that this "certain commentary" has understood things well.  The things that the author has done become apparent later[??].  I will mention it there.


This "certain commentary" is from a work called the 首書源氏物語, an early woodblock edition that was never as popular as the Kogetsusho.  The author of this work did not identify the "certain commentary" and it may be the author's own theories.  I'm not entirely sure of the meaning of Hagiwara's comment.


Tama no ogushi (1796): These are things being suffered by the Kiritsubo Intimate.

Saturday, January 19, 2013

陽明文庫源氏物語 (Yomei bunko Genji), intro and part 1

This is the first post in another series that I hope to do on this blog, about the Genji text (what fascinating topics!) 

The earliest textual fragments of the Genji come from several sources in the 12th century -- the Genji monogatari emaki (picture scroll), the Genji shaku (the first commentary), and the kokeizu (old family tree).  The fragments from all three of these sources represent probably 2-3% of the total text, but there are existing manuscripts that are closer to these textual sources than the other manuscripts that became standard later.

The usual explanation for this is that the text had become corrupt by this time and that Fujiwara no Teika and Minamoto no Mitsuyuki (and his son Chikayuki) independently set out to restore it; Teika's work represents the better scholarship and is closer to Murasaki Shikibu's original.  Since only half a chapter survives in Teika's hand, we have to find the manuscripts that are closest to Teika's original.

A number of articles and books since the 1980's have shown that there's virtually no proof for any of the preceding paragraph, and that it's no longer acceptable to name a particular manuscript or manuscript family as being the "closest" to a hypothetical "original".  However, the tradition is still strong and all new editions are still based on the supposed Teika line.

For the "Kiritsubo" chapter, the Genji shaku is the only source of textual fragments.  I've looked at them all and the closest manuscript to the fragments is known as the 陽明文庫源氏物語 because of where it's housed today.  The manuscript is a hybrid, with some of the chapters being Teika texts.  A list of authors associated with the manuscript says that the scribe of the "Kiritsubo" chapter is Emperor Go-Fukukusa.  I find this a little hard to accept; there's no definitive proof either way but the scribe list also includes people like Emperor Gotoba, Abutsuni, Fujiwara no Tameie, Kujo Yoshitsune, and other prominent waka poets of the era.

Anyway, I thought that as I go through the Hyoshaku, every so often I'll look at the text of the Yomei bunko Genji for comparison.  Here's the text of the three sentences I've covered so far; first from Eiichi Shibuya's web site (which is the standard modern text), and then from the Yomei bunko.  I did the usual orthographic cleanup and underlined the parts that are different.

First, the standard text:
 はじめより我はと思ひ上がりたまへる御方がた、めざましきものにおとしめ嫉みたまふ。同じほど、それより下臈の更衣たちは、ましてやすからず。朝夕の宮 仕へにつけても、人の心をのみ動かし、恨みを負ふ積もりにやありけむ、いと篤しくなりゆき、もの心細げに里がちなるを、いよいよあかずあはれなるものに思 ほして、人のそしりをも憚らせたまはず、世のためしにもなりぬべき御もてなしなり。

And then the Yomei bunko text:

It's the same story and characters, but there are a lot of differences in the style and diction.  Some of the more notable points:
1. The use of the honorific ohasu instead of ari for the Kiritsubo Intimate (a common feature for the whole chapter).
2. The omission of the Intimates at the same level
3. The extra use of けり at the end of the second sentence.

Monday, January 14, 2013

Kiritsubo, 1.3

On to the third sentence!  Kiritsubo's troubles are further described.

Her palace service morning and night also caused nothing but shock in others' hearts, and perhaps she bore the weight of [people's] spite, for she became very ill, and tended to be at home with a vaguely lonely appearance, and [the Emperor] looked on her more and more with great pity – he did not heed the criticism of others, and his actions were sure to become an example for the world.

First, the headnotes:


Kiritsubo taking the resentment of others is described metaphorically as bearing a weight, so the word ofu is used. What is meant here is that the weight of these grudges pile up and she becomes sickly.


Shinshaku (1758): She tends to go home.


The word sato here means her parents' house, as opposed to her residence in the palace.


hyo: The Intimate often goes home due to the spite of others, so the Emperor cannot meet her. He views her with great pity, and soon does not listen to any criticism of his behavior. This is indeed how peoples' feelings work. This story element grows as the tale moves on; the reader should pay close attention to it and savor it.


Shinshaku (1758): This is the basis for the comparison to Yang Guifei later.

Then in the 語釈 appendix we have four words:


miya refers to the palace, and tsukae means being dispatched there and working.  Now then, this word changed to refer to palace service beyond just the Emperor's quarters.


Genchu yoteki (1830): The poetry collection of Ono no Komachi says [poem 48]:"In my own thoughts that others do not know, when I do not meet him for a time, even my body grows warm." From the "Yugao" chapter: "His head hurt, and his body felt hot."  From the "Wakana ge" chapter: "[Lady Murasaki]'s body was warm, and she felt bad..." From the "Tenarai" chapter: "The fever that had been going on for a while has lessened, and she seems calmer..." Such examples all deal with the fact that a sick person's body has a fever, and is hot (atsuki), so the term atsushi is used.  Eventually the sickness itself was described as atsushiu.


Tama no ogushi (1796): This means she is weakened from illness. The Genchu shui's claim that the weight of illness is thick (atsui) does not fit with the way the term is used in the Tale.


Nevertheless modern sources seem to support Keichu's theory that the "thick" illness, rather than the heat, is the origin of the term.  (Incidentally, although many modern editions agree with Hagiwara's あつしく, Heian-period evidence suggests it was probably pronounced あづしく.)

 不快ナ ワヅラフ

fukai na, wadurafu (患う)



All the words that are mono plus something have the meaning of "dealing with things," and it simply means that somehow the state arises on its own.  Here too, this means that there's nothing specific, but simply towards one thing or another she is lonely.  The ge syllable is derived from 気, and means that the state is being viewed from someone else's point of view. It should be translated as sou ni.



Genchu shui (1698): In the Wamyō Ruijushō, it says "The I ching says 'That tree is hard and has multiple trunks.'  The teacher says: 多心 is read as nakagokachi."  Looking at this, anything-gachi has to do with the character 多 ("many").


The Wamyō Ruijushō is a 10th century dictionary/thesaurus.  It contains a lot of quotations from classical Chinese sources with Japanese equivalents given in Man'yo-gana.  Sometimes only kanji are given with no sources.  I need to look up the I Ching quote in a modern edition to get a better translation.  I'm also very doubtful of Keichu's theory here and I don't understand why Hagiwara thought it was worth quoting.