Kiritsubo, 1.4a

This is another sentence that will have to be split up into multiple posts; there are only a few of these but unfortunately a lot of them are right at the beginning.

Also those such as the senior nobles and privy gentlemen turned their eyes away helplessly, saying “His love towards this person is embarrassing. In China, too, it was just for this reason that the world was thrown into chaos and became bad.” Gradually in the world at large, as well, this became a bitter seed of worry for people. It was becoming such that the example of Yang Guifei would have to be mentioned, and there were many disgraceful occurrences, but she served, relying on the peerlessness of [the Emperor's] gracious care.

めをそばめつつ
新　あしくきらはしき物を見る時の様なり。長恨歌の伝に「京師ノ長吏、是ガ為ニ目ヲ側ム」といふにもよりしならん。

Shinshaku (1758): This describes looking at something bad that you don't like. This also seems to be a reference to the Chōgonka-den: The officials of the palace averted their eyes because of this.

評　桐壺の帝の更衣を寵し給ふことを、そのかみ専ら行はれたる長恨歌に依りて巧みに書きなさん、との結構（したくみ）なる故に、ここに初めてかの伝の文を匂はし出でられたるなり。されども、彼には少しも拘（かかは）らずして、いと新しくめづらかにとりなされたる事、次に評ずるがごとし。

Hyou: The love between the Emperor and the Kiritsubo Intimate is mostly drawn from the Song of Neverending Sorrow, so for that reason, here the first small taste of that den appears. However, the story in the Tale contains new, very good, things that are not found at all in the original poem. I will say more about this later.

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Hagiwara has more to say about the Song and the den (a prose version of the legend) in the supplemental notes so I'll put that off until part C.

もろこしにも
評　これ即ち楊貴妃のことを初めて綻（ほころ）ばし出だされたるにて、はるかの下に「人の帝のためしまで引き出でつつ、ささめき歎きけり」とある首尾なり。心得おきて読むべし。

Hyou: Here already we see the first hints of the Yang Guifei story, and much later it says "they brought up the example of other Emperors, and lamented quietly." This should be kept in mind.

天のしたにもあぢきなう
玉　天の下の人もあぢきなき御しわざとするよしなり。或抄云わく、「はじめに女中の妬みを言ひ、次に上達目、上人といひ、ここに天の下にもといへり。

Tama no ogushi (1796): This means that the people of the world are also taking this to be an unfortunate thing. A certain commentary says, First the jealousy of the women is mentioned, then the noblemen, and now the wider world.

評　この或抄の説げにいと詳しく心得たりと云べし。作者の心ありしこと、末にて知られたり。そこにいふべし。

Hyou:  It is definitely true that this "certain commentary" has understood things well.  The things that the author has done become apparent later[??].  I will mention it there.

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This "certain commentary" is from a work called the 首書源氏物語, an early woodblock edition that was never as popular as the Kogetsusho.  The author of this work did not identify the "certain commentary" and it may be the author's own theories.  I'm not entirely sure of the meaning of Hagiwara's comment.

はしたなき事おほかれど
玉　ここは更衣の身に受かる方よりいへり。

Tama no ogushi (1796): These are things being suffered by the Kiritsubo Intimate.

陽明文庫源氏物語 (Yomei bunko Genji), intro and part 1

This is the first post in another series that I hope to do on this blog, about the Genji text (what fascinating topics!) 

The earliest textual fragments of the Genji come from several sources in the 12th century -- the Genji monogatari emaki (picture scroll), the Genji shaku (the first commentary), and the kokeizu (old family tree).  The fragments from all three of these sources represent probably 2-3% of the total text, but there are existing manuscripts that are closer to these textual sources than the other manuscripts that became standard later.

The usual explanation for this is that the text had become corrupt by this time and that Fujiwara no Teika and Minamoto no Mitsuyuki (and his son Chikayuki) independently set out to restore it; Teika's work represents the better scholarship and is closer to Murasaki Shikibu's original.  Since only half a chapter survives in Teika's hand, we have to find the manuscripts that are closest to Teika's original.

A number of articles and books since the 1980's have shown that there's virtually no proof for any of the preceding paragraph, and that it's no longer acceptable to name a particular manuscript or manuscript family as being the "closest" to a hypothetical "original".  However, the tradition is still strong and all new editions are still based on the supposed Teika line.

For the "Kiritsubo" chapter, the Genji shaku is the only source of textual fragments.  I've looked at them all and the closest manuscript to the fragments is known as the 陽明文庫源氏物語 because of where it's housed today.  The manuscript is a hybrid, with some of the chapters being Teika texts.  A list of authors associated with the manuscript says that the scribe of the "Kiritsubo" chapter is Emperor Go-Fukukusa.  I find this a little hard to accept; there's no definitive proof either way but the scribe list also includes people like Emperor Gotoba, Abutsuni, Fujiwara no Tameie, Kujo Yoshitsune, and other prominent waka poets of the era.

Anyway, I thought that as I go through the Hyoshaku, every so often I'll look at the text of the Yomei bunko Genji for comparison.  Here's the text of the three sentences I've covered so far; first from Eiichi Shibuya's web site (which is the standard modern text), and then from the Yomei bunko.  I did the usual orthographic cleanup and underlined the parts that are different.

First, the standard text:
  いづれの御時にか、女御、更衣あまたさぶらひたまひけるなかに、いとやむごとなき際にはあらぬが、すぐれて時めきたまふありけり。
　はじめより我はと思ひ上がりたまへる御方がた、めざましきものにおとしめ嫉みたまふ。同じほど、それより下臈の更衣たちは、ましてやすからず。朝夕の宮 仕へにつけても、人の心をのみ動かし、恨みを負ふ積もりにやありけむ、いと篤しくなりゆき、もの心細げに里がちなるを、いよいよあかずあはれなるものに思 ほして、人のそしりをもえ憚らせたまはず、世のためしにもなりぬべき御もてなしなり。

And then the Yomei bunko text:
  いづれの御時には、女御、更衣あまたさぶらひたまひけるなかに、いとやむごとなき際にはあらぬが、すぐれて時めきたまふおはしけり。
　はじめより我はと思ひ上がり給へる御方がたは、めざましきものに思ひおとしめ嫉みたまひける。それより下臈の更衣たちなどは、朝夕の宮仕へにつけつつも、安からぬ事多く、思ひつむるままに、人の心を動かし、嘆きを負ふ積もりにや、いと篤しくなりゆきて、もの心細げに思ひ里がちなるを、いよいよあかずあはれなるものに思ほして、人のそしりをも憚らせたまはず、世のためしともまりぬべき御もてなしなり。

It's the same story and characters, but there are a lot of differences in the style and diction.  Some of the more notable points:
1. The use of the honorific ohasu instead of ari for the Kiritsubo Intimate (a common feature for the whole chapter).
2. The omission of the Intimates at the same level
3. The extra use of けり at the end of the second sentence.

Kiritsubo, 1.3

On to the third sentence!  Kiritsubo's troubles are further described.

Her palace service morning and night also caused nothing but shock in others' hearts, and perhaps she bore the weight of [people's] spite, for she became very ill, and tended to be at home with a vaguely lonely appearance, and [the Emperor] looked on her more and more with great pity – he did not heed the criticism of others, and his actions were sure to become an example for the world.

First, the headnotes:

うらみをおふつもりにや
釈　人の恨みの我が身にかかる事を、物を引き負ふになそらへて、負（おふ）といへるなり。さて、恨みを負ひて、とやかくや心を苦しめたるが積もりてついに病がちになり給へる意なり。

Kiritsubo taking the resentment of others is described metaphorically as bearing a weight, so the word ofu is used. What is meant here is that the weight of these grudges pile up and she becomes sickly.

さとがち
新　里に住みがちなり。

Shinshaku (1758): She tends to go home.

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The word sato here means her parents' house, as opposed to her residence in the palace.

いよいよあかず
評　人の妬むによりて、里に住みがちなれば、逢ひ給ふこと遠くして、いよいよ飽かずあはれにおぼえ給ひつつ、ついには人のそしりをもえ憚らせ給はぬなり。げに人の情はさるものになんありける。この脉（すぢ）、次々にますます甚だしくなりもてゆく様、よくよく心をつけて味わふべし。

hyo: The Intimate often goes home due to the spite of others, so the Emperor cannot meet her. He views her with great pity, and soon does not listen to any criticism of his behavior. This is indeed how peoples' feelings work. This story element grows as the tale moves on; the reader should pay close attention to it and savor it.

世のためしにもなりぬべき
新　末に楊貴妃にたとへんの本なり。

Shinshaku (1758): This is the basis for the comparison to Yang Guifei later.

Then in the 語釈 appendix we have four words:

みやづかへ
釈　宮は内裏のこと、「つかへ」は彼方より使はれ奉るをいふ。さて、転（うつ）りては大宮ならぬ所に仕（つか）ふるをもすべて「みやづかへ」といへり。

miya refers to the palace, and tsukae means being dispatched there and working.  Now then, this word changed to refer to palace service beyond just the Emperor's quarters.

あつしく
余　小町集に「人知れぬ我（われ）が思ひに逢はぬまは身さへ温（ぬる）みて思ほゆるかな」
夕顔の巻に「御頭（ぐし）も痛く、身も熱き心地して」
若菜下に「御身もぬるみて、御心地もいとあしけれど」
手習の巻に「うちはへぬるみなどし給へることはさめ給ひて、さわやかに見え給へば」
などあり、すべて病者は身に熱の有りて、あつきものなれば、「あつし」などいひならひたるが、末には病とだにいへば、「あつしう」などいへるやうになりたるならん。

Genchu yoteki (1830):　The poetry collection of Ono no Komachi says [poem 48]:"In my own thoughts that others do not know, when I do not meet him for a time, even my body grows warm." From the "Yugao" chapter: "His head hurt, and his body felt hot."  From the "Wakana ge" chapter: "[Lady Murasaki]'s body was warm, and she felt bad..." From the "Tenarai" chapter: "The fever that had been going on for a while has lessened, and she seems calmer..." Such examples all deal with the fact that a sick person's body has a fever, and is hot (atsuki), so the term atsushi is used.  Eventually the sickness itself was described as atsushiu.

玉　見弱く病あるをいへり。拾遺に病の重きを厚しといふにや、といへるは物語にてはかなはず。

Tama no ogushi (1796):　This means she is weakened from illness. The Genchu shui's claim that the weight of illness is thick (atsui) does not fit with the way the term is used in the Tale.

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Nevertheless modern sources seem to support Keichu's theory that the "thick" illness, rather than the heat, is the origin of the term.  (Incidentally, although many modern editions agree with Hagiwara's あつしく, Heian-period evidence suggests it was probably pronounced あづしく.)

訳　不快ナ　ワヅラフ

fukai na, wadurafu (患う)

もの心ぼごげ

釈　すべて「もの」云々と物といふことを添へていふ詞は、物事につけて云々といふ意にて、ただ何となく、おのづから然る意なり。ここもその意にて、何といふこともなくただ物事につけて心ぼそきなり。「げ」は「気（け）」にて、さる景色に見ゆるを他（ほか）より見ていへる意なり。「け」は「サウニ」と訳（うつ）すべし。

All the words that are mono plus something have the meaning of "dealing with things," and it simply means that somehow the state arises on its own.  Here too, this means that there's nothing specific, but simply towards one thing or another she is lonely.  The ge syllable is derived from 気, and means that the state is being viewed from someone else's point of view. It should be translated as sou ni.

さとがち

拾　和名に曰く、「周易説卦ニ云ハク、其ノ木ニ於ル也、堅多心ト為ス、師説多心ヲ奈賀古可遅（ナカゴカチ）ト読ム」。これによるに、何がちといふ類は、皆この「多」の字なり。

Genchu shui (1698): In the Wamyō Ruijushō, it says "The I ching says 'That tree is hard and has multiple trunks.'  The teacher says: 多心 is read as nakagokachi."  Looking at this, anything-gachi has to do with the character 多 ("many").

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The Wamyō Ruijushō is a 10th century dictionary/thesaurus.  It contains a lot of quotations from classical Chinese sources with Japanese equivalents given in Man'yo-gana.  Sometimes only kanji are given with no sources.  I need to look up the I Ching quote in a modern edition to get a better translation.  I'm also very doubtful of Keichu's theory here and I don't understand why Hagiwara thought it was worth quoting.